Electoral Activity: A Necessary Revolutionary Tactic

by Saturn

Huge opportunities present themselves to the socialist movement which have not been properly met. Occupy Wall Street came and went, raising tremendous class anger but leaving the masses it mobilized drifting in frustration without a plan or an organization. A 2012 Gallup poll revealed that 39% of Americans see socialism as a positive word. In a country of roughly 310 million people, that is something like 120 million budding socialists. So the mentality in which existing socialist groups have settled, tolerating membership figures of a few hundred active members or some thousands of paper members, is totally unacceptable.

However, today’s revolutionary socialist groups may have simply hit a wall with how far they can grow, without using alternative strategies and tactics. Fortunately alternative strategies and tactics exist, which they can utilize and partake in. But first we really need to explore the problem of hyper-specific party lines more thoroughly (or groups which claim to have limited party lines, but actually have an unwritten encyclopedia of positions which members are expected to support).

It is possible that the model of groups with hyper-specific party lines which engage with protest movements can attract their enthusiastic core of a few hundred people, but beyond that, such groups are simply not going to be interesting to the millions of brand new socialists. The newbies may be eager to hear a well-refined specific socialist ideology, but they are certainly not interested in committing to it, because they’ve just heard this stuff for the first time, if even that. In fact this may remain the nature of American socialists even as the masses proceed into political maturity: their ideas and stances maybe become more specific and better in general, but the masses may remain interested in primarily only socialism, and shy away from groups which expect them to pin down a stance on every issue under the sun.

Many Leninists are tempted to draw the lines early, in advance of the new socialist masses’ own path of development. It may seem logically consistent to us that “you can’t be a real socialist unless you also think X, Y, and Z; otherwise it’s just self-contradictory.” But what they think is more important than what we think. Take it far enough, and ideological walls end up becoming organizational walls between the radicals and the real living movement. It’s true that you can take positions while still engaging with people who don’t share them. However it runs into diminishing returns. Drawing too many party lines seems farsighted, but actually prevents us from being in meaningful dialogue with the masses during their process of ideological transformation.

So what do we do? People usually respond to organizational rigidity by turning toward social movements, typically demonstration-based coalitions and such. While these are an important piece of the puzzle, they are one that the Left already knows and practices while still slogging in irrelevance, so the answer does not lie precisely in protest movements either. We’ve already raised hell with movements of various kinds: Occupy, outrage against the killings of Black people, union workers in Wisconsin, various protests against budget cuts in California and elsewhere. But to what extent have we even slowed the 1%’s offensive against our standard of living – let alone reversed that into an offensive of our own, as we should? The movements matter, if only because the mass-outpourings help people realize they are not alone. But in truth even the most successful waves of protest have only changed public opinion, not public policy, and have done almost nothing to establish lasting centers of working-class power and organization.

To get to the point, we need a socialist party – and not another little one, but a truly national mass party. Previously people would scoff, “yes, that’s the goal, but how do we get there?” However, to imply that we must still rely on indirect routes to that goal, and still cannot pursue it directly as a possibility in the present, places you horribly behind the times – as the Gallup statistics indicate. It’s amazing how much the socialist movement has unscientifically ignored the quantitative evidence that we are horribly lagging behind our potential, and we have chosen against the proof to remain in our corner of obscurity.

The little socialist groups can continue bashing each other, if that satisfies them, but we need them to put aside those differences tactically for the sake of supporting each other in electoral campaigns. For better or for worse, millions of people who don’t care at all about marching in issue-based demonstrations become energized and interested when they hear someone is running for office. We need to smack ourselves out of our irrelevance and actually learn how elections and campaigns work, a skill set of which protest-oriented socialists are grossly lacking. We need to stop having six different socialist meetings in one city every time some big topic hits the news or we cover basic matters – we need to pool resources. We might even start buying ads. And of course the existing socialist electoral efforts need some work – many just seem completely unserious, while others focus entirely on building the ultra-narrow group they are sponsored by. We need to drill two things into our heads and everyone else’s:

(1) We should not run just for the sake of running but can now raise our expectations toward ambitious expansion and growth.

(2) To do this, we need to overcome the fragmentation which makes all socialist groups appear futile and unserious to newcomers, and we need to start pooling our resources.

This is not giving up on revolution. Revolutionists must be involved in the broad party, and in fact revolutionists must lead the way in founding the broad party, starting now – starting yesterday, really. Of course if some future force within the broad party ever asks us to silence our revolutionist goals, we must fight back against the censorship and win – but that is a problem for when we get there! No, this is not giving up on revolution – this is the best, possibly the only way to actually bring socialist politics into the mainstream, and along with it a space for our revolutionist message.

4 thoughts on “Electoral Activity: A Necessary Revolutionary Tactic

  1. “this is the best, possibly the only way to actually bring socialist politics into the mainstream, and along with it a space for our revolutionist message.”

    What about organizing the day to day class struggle? Solidarity networks have the effect of getting people in the streets without the 2 disadvantages of electoralism:

    1 danger of cooption: revolutionaries in government interact with a bourgeois power structure there is a danger of becoming a functionary in the state. Like how union bureaucrats become divorced from there people.

    2. Loss of initiative from below. Elections reinforce the need for a “savior from on high” direct action shows we have the power.

    • We are actually working on a piece on solidarity networks. I personally believe that solnets and a strong electoral outreach machine to be the one-two punch we need to bring left-wing ideas into the mainstream.

      As for what your points: any sort of explicitly reformist organization will eventually get co-opted but depending on circumstances that may take years. It is very important to think about the expansion of the political power and the teaching experience this provide. At the same time we must not hold any illusions; the reformists will betray us but before that the power of our class will have been expanded.

      As for your second point: yes and no. You can run an electoral campaign that reinforces the self-activity of the class from below and/or encouraging more activity.

      We are working to find and/or write a couple good pieces on solnets and how to run a Marxist election campaign. If you have any leads email us!

      • The issue with elections is that they take resources. Resources that could be used on building fighting organizations. What if you can either put time energy into a Solnet or an election which do you do. I feel like winning concrete gains is more effective than campaigns.

        A revolutionary might get caught in the system without realizing it. You could prevent this, by making them only able to vote on an issue if the membership told them but that would be insanely difficult.

        How do you run such a campaign

      • You can run a very cheap campaign and win. It’s more difficult but if what you say connects with people’s reality it can be done.

        I don’t think we should counterpose elections and building organization. If we had an elected official getting elected side by side with housing activists trying to save a home that would bring media down on that issue. That can be decisive but only if you have both complementing each other.

        As for getting caught in the system: that is more likely if you have no organization backing you. The old CPs had a system based on how the Bolsheviks did elections. You would get the guy elected and he would be paid no more than the average worker and there would be a representative of the leading body (in this case CC) present and able to overrule anything the official does. In this way you can prevent your candidate from going off the deep end and help keep more firmly planted in the working class reality.

        As for a campaign I would suggest looking at Kshama Sawant. It isn’t a perfect campaign by any means but she is showing what having a working class oriented campaign can do

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